by Sebastian Franzkowiak
1.13 o’clock, at a roadblock on the outskirts of Tozeur, in Southern Tunisia. Armed to the teeth, two police officers enter the bus and collect all passports. After extensive scanning of the suitcases, the driver is allowed to continue the journey. I am on the night bus Tozeur-Tunis, and this is already the second control during the last thirty minutes. Mere routine, my seat neighbour assures me. But also a prevalent feature of the public image of every town you visit throughout the country. As soldiers, police officers and other security forces patrol even the smallest villages, security is high on the agenda in post-revolutionary Tunisia.
The bus later on passes Sidi Bouzid, which many consider the cradle of the 2011 revolts leading to the ousting of Ben Ali. Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor, put himself into flames, inflaming the spark that led to the pan-Arab wave of street protests. Flames are a powerful image when it comes to the Arab uprisings: Five years later, Tunisia is the only case that entered the path towards democratisation, while the neighbourhood is (sometimes literally) in flames: post-2013 Egypt is witnessing a return to almost business as before with the military ruling the country, while Syria finds itself in a sheer endless quagmire. And then there is Libya.
The current descent of Tunisia’s southern neighbour into a failed state aggravates concerns in Tunis that the instability might sweep across the border. Controls as on my night bus do not come out of nowhere – as the March attack on Ben Guerdane proved, the security situation in the southern territories is anything but calm. In a cloak-and-dagger-operation, a bunch of jihadists had attacked the city on the Libyan border, inflicting severe casualties including Tunisian civilians. It is one attack in the sad line of many, starting exactly one year ago. On March 18, 2015, Tunis’ Bardo Museum was attacked by two gunmen targeting particularly foreign tourists, killing twenty and wounding many more. Only three months later, thirty-eight predominantly British tourists were killed in a popular beach resort near Sousse. Apart from these major attacks against tourists, the presidential guard was targeted in late November 2015, killing twelve members. All of these incidents have something in common: they are direct attacks on Tunisia’s democracy.
While terrorism is certainly a global phenomenon in 21st century life, the effects for Tunisia have been devastating. Tourism broke down in 2016, and me and my friends were one of the few foreign tourists on our visit to Tozeur. As the hotel manager reveals: “I can understand those not willing to come to our country if they aim to spend peaceful vacations…but one has to see that we are doing a painfully good job keeping this fragile construct together.”
How to move forward?
Of course he is right – Tunisian authorities are putting a lot of efforts into building up a democratic system following more than sixty years of authoritarian leadership. Members of Parliament continuously stress that the transition will take years, but concrete results become visible: A very inclusive approach while drafting the 2014 Constitution and recent fair elections leading to a democratic turnover (with secularist Nidaa Tounes winning the latest elections). Not speaking of the advanced freedom of expression that evolves. The awarding of the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet is a good reminder of the impressive progress made since 2011. The four major “winning” civil society organisations are the backbone of the democratic credentials the country is consolidating.
Where does the EU come in?
Tunisia’s revolution revealed the ambiguity of the EU’s Neighbourhood Policy, which had hitherto cheered Ben Ali’s Tunisia as a bastion against illegal immigration and radical fundamentalism. When it became clear the regime would collapse, the EU switched towards a pro-protestors strategy, essentially pouring millions of euros into Tunisia’s economy. The EU has had a major stake in the continuous stability of Tunisia, offering new carrots such as on-going negotiations for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area and recent aid packages of more than 300 million euro.
But neither prizes nor money flowing into Tunisia is a magic formula guaranteeing democratic progress. Not everybody was able to benefit from the revolution – every second taxi driver will tell you how much better business was back in the days of Ben Ali. Young Tunisians frequently feel they do not necessarily grasp the fruits of the political deals brokered in Tunis, as thousands of university graduates fail to find jobs. Cooperation between universities and companies must be improved – allowing for professional on the job trainings and developing highly skilled forces in Tunisia. Access to work has been a key slogan during the 2011 Revolution – if continuously neglected, the potential for new riots still exists. Those that feel desperate in their deprivation from the fortunes of the revolution are also those most likely to become radicalised – Tunisia has the dubious honour to be the country providing most foreign fighters in the ranks of ISIS.
Is there a specific guideline forward?
While the EU loves delineating roadmaps, concrete strategies for Tunisia have not yet become obvious and the recent political developments have caused the EU to move its attention to its internal political problems. And this might be good to a certain extent – considering the final evolution has to come from within Tunisia. For a too long time, external actors believed they can shape the internal affairs of MENA (Middle East and Northern Africa) countries. A Tunisian-driven process will be the most efficient one – Tunisia has to find its Tunisian way towards democracy. Historically, Arab countries do not like to be seen as states ‘bought by foreign powers’. This leads Tunisian politics being torn between the need to rely on external help in some domains (crucially, security/intelligence cooperation) while maintaining a part of its attraction among its people by standing on its own against the big challenges the country is facing.
Having studied in this beautiful country for three months, I could take my own look at the splendours and paradoxes of a society that is on a promising, though shaky way forward. For the sake of the warm-hearted Tunisian people, but also in the best interest of the whole Mediterranean region, the Tunisian experience should remain one where positive headlines outweigh the negative ones. After all, Tunisia’s Revolution was pointedly called the Yasmine Revolution: Hopefully, this beautiful flower will continue to flourish, to avoid becoming a withering blossom.
Image by Sebastian Franzkowiak
